During the Warring States period (475–221 BCE), the ancient political architecture of the 周 Zhōu dynasty had finally collapsed. The ceremonial bonds and hierarchies that had once governed relations among the various feudal domains had lost much of their efficacy. In their place, a small group of major realms competed for hegemony through the mobilization of massive armies, territorial expansion, and a brand of diplomacy in which every alliance could become a snare.
In this world of fierce rivalries, a state’s survival did not depend solely on military strength. It was equally vital to fathom the adversaries' intentions, anticipate their maneuvers, and persuade neighboring rulers. The spoken word thus acquired an extraordinary political value. Across the highways of China travelled the 游说 yóushuì, itinerant persuaders offering their counsel to sovereigns and ministers. They did not necessarily belong to the old hereditary aristocracy: their primary capital was a mastery of history, forensic rhetoric, and an acute ability to decipher the ambitions and anxieties of those who held power.
The collective memory of that era was preserved, among other classical sources, in the《战国策》 Zhànguó Cè, Strategies of the Warring States, a compendium of political discourses, historical episodes, and diplomatic anecdotes compiled during the 汉 Hàn dynasty by 刘向 Liú Xiàng. Its pages present a striking repertoire of negotiations, veiled threats, promises, and stratagems. Within them, a speech delivered before a monarch could alter the balance among several realms, while a single broken pledge could ignite a war.
From that political universe emerged one of the most evocative expressions in the Chinese language: 纵横捭阖 zònghéng bǎihé, "deploying vertical and horizontal alliances through opening and closing." Its four characters bring together two foundational dimensions of strategy: the architecture of alliances across the geopolitical chessboard and the art of steering the will of one's interlocutors. To grasp its full resonance, it is instructive to examine both character pairs separately.
纵横 zònghéng: The Geometry of Alliances
The characters 纵 zòng and 横 héng signify, respectively, "vertical" and "horizontal." In the political vocabulary of the Warring States, they assumed a specialized meaning by denoting two diametrically opposed diplomatic strategies: 合纵 hézòng and 连横 liánhéng.
The first, 合纵 hézòng, consisted of uniting the states situated east of 秦 Qín into a grand defensive coalition. Their territorial distribution formed a north-south axis: the realms of 燕 Yān, 赵 Zhào, 韩 Hán, 魏 Wèi, 齐 Qí, and 楚 Chǔ were to coordinate their forces to contain the westward power’s expansion. This strategic concept sought to transform the sum of individually vulnerable states into a collective deterrent capable of checking 秦 Qín.
The counter-strategy was 连横 liánhéng. Instead of confronting a vertical coalition, it proposed forging bilateral agreements between 秦 Qín and the respective eastern states. Through separate pacts, pledges of protection, and selective territorial concessions, 秦 Qín could draw each monarch into an exclusive bilateral relationship, fracturing solidarity among potential adversaries. Where the vertical alliance sought aggregation, the horizontal sought division.
Two figures became traditionally associated with these divergent orientations: 苏秦 Sū Qín and 张仪 Zhāng Yí. According to the account by 司马迁 Sīmǎ Qiān in the《史记》Shǐjì, Records of the Grand Historian, both had studied under 鬼谷子 Guǐgǔzǐ, the legendary master to whom a profound mastery of the arts of persuasion is attributed. 苏秦 Sū Qín championed the coalition of the six eastern kingdoms, while 张仪 Zhāng Yí became one of the foremost architects of 秦 Qín diplomacy.
The speeches attributed to 苏秦 Sū Qín reveal the underlying logic of the vertical alliance. When addressing regional rulers, he did not confine himself to abstract appeals for mutual cooperation. He inventoried the economic assets, troops, and defensive terrain of each realm, seeking to demonstrate that the coalition was not a desperate gamble, but a concrete political possibility. His argumentation systematically intertwined the sovereign's pride with the acute fear of 秦 Qín expansionism.
One of the most famous examples appears in his address to the King of 韩 Hán:
宁为鸡口,无为牛后。
Nìng wéi jīkǒu, wú wéi niúhòu.
It is better to be a rooster’s beak than a bull’s rump.
The imagery is deliberately provocative. It is preferable to preserve the dignity and independence of a modest state than to become an insignificant appendage to a far greater power. The metaphor appeals directly to the sovereign’s honor, yet it embeds a rigorous strategic calculus: submitting to 秦 Qín offers no true security, as concession merely whets the appetite for further demands. Collective resistance, by contrast, provides a viable path to autonomy.
The strategy of 张仪 Zhāng Yí proceeded from a contrasting premise. A six-state coalition might appear formidable on paper, but it remained composed of monarchs with parochial interests, border rivalries, and asymmetrical perceptions of risk. To dismantle it, one needed only to persuade each ruler that their circumstances were unique, and that a bilateral pact offered immediate, tangible advantages over an unwieldy collective pact.
The narratives in the Strategies of the Warring States illustrate how 张仪 Zhāng Yí deployed territorial promises, coercive threats, and warnings regarding the vacillating commitment of neighboring allies. One of the most famous episodes involves his negotiations with the state of 楚 Chǔ. According to tradition, he pledged to cede six hundred 里 lǐ of territory if 楚 Chǔ severed its alliance with 齐 Qí. Once 楚 Chǔ complied and demanded the promised land, 张仪 Zhāng Yí claimed he had merely pledged six 里 lǐ, exploiting an intentional ambiguity in the phrasing. The deceit provoked outrage in the monarch and set in motion the eventual military clash between the two states.
Beyond the strict historicity of each anecdote, these accounts reflect two antithetical philosophies of statecraft. The vertical alliance sought to turn collective defense into an instrument of mutual survival; the horizontal alliance exploited mutual distrust and discrete self-interest to ensure such collective action could never consolidate.
This polarity reveals the first layer of meaning in 纵横捭阖 zònghéng bǎihé: the agility to maneuver across all vectors of the political chessboard, forging alliances, shifting alignments, and capitalizing on the fluid reconfigurations of power.
捭阖 bǎihé: The Art of Opening and Closing
Yet statecraft was not exhausted by the structural coordination of alliances. To alter a ruler’s conduct, it was essential to understand how that ruler thought, what they coveted, what they dreaded, and what intentions they concealed. The geometry of power possessed an indispensable psychological dimension.
Here enters the second character pair: 捭阖 bǎihé, "to open and close." Its most systematic elaboration is found in the《鬼谷子》Guǐgǔzǐ, a treatise traditionally ascribed to the eponymous master and closely associated with Warring States rhetorical techniques. While the authorship and dating remain subjects of scholarly debate—we cannot definitively ascertain whether it was penned directly by the mentor of 苏秦 Sū Qín and 张仪 Zhāng Yí, nor whether these figures strictly applied its doctrines—there exists an undeniable structural affinity between the political universe of the text and the persuasive practices recorded in the Strategies of the Warring States.
The opening chapter of the《鬼谷子》Guǐgǔzǐ bears the precise title《捭阖》Bǎihé, Opening and Closing. There, opening and closing are established as foundational principles governing both the cyclical transformations of the cosmos and human interactions. The author opens by outlining the dynamic interplay of opposites:
变化无穷,各有所归,或阴或阳,或柔或刚,或开或闭,或弛或张。
Biànhuà wúqióng, gè yǒu suǒ guī, huò yīn huò yáng, huò róu huò gāng, huò kāi huò bì, huò chí huò zhāng.
Transformations are boundless, yet each returns to its source: at times yīn, at times yáng; at times yielding, at times unbending; at times open, at times closed; at times relaxed, at times taut.
The polarity between opening and closing is thus far more than a literary trope for conversation; it forms part of an expansive cosmology of change rooted in the alternating rhythms of 阴 yīn and 阳 yáng. Phenomenal realities unfold through opposing yet complementary motions: that which opens can close, and that which is brought to light can recede into concealment.
Applied to human interaction, this cosmological principle assumes an operative strategic function. The persuader must discern when to speak and when to remain silent, when to disclose intentions and when to veil them, when to draw out the interlocutor and when to withhold. Persuasion is never the recitation of a rigid script, but an adaptive intervention tuned to the inner disposition of the listener.
The treatise frames this mechanism with an illuminating formulation:
捭之者,开也,言也,阳也;阖之者,闭也,默也,阴也。
Bǎi zhī zhě, kāi yě, yán yě, yáng yě; hé zhī zhě, bì yě, mò yě, yīn yě.
Opening is to unfold, to speak, to manifest: it belongs to yáng. Closing is to seal, to remain silent, to withdraw: it belongs to yīn.
The character 捭 bǎi denotes far more than unlatching a portal. In this context, it signifies releasing discourse, prompting expression, and drawing forth what is hidden. 阖 hé, by contrast, denotes closure, reservation, and tactical silence. Both movements are indispensable for appraising the interlocutor and steering the exchange.
The treatise develops this technique through the acute observation of individual differences. Not all rulers respond to identical arguments, nor do they reveal their inner motivations in the same fashion. The strategist must evaluate character, temperament, and capacity:
夫贤不肖、智愚、勇怯、仁义有差。乃可捭,乃可阖;乃可进,乃可退。
Fú xián bùxiào, zhì yú, yǒng qiè, rén yì yǒu chā. Nǎi kě bǎi, nǎi kě hé; nǎi kě jìn, nǎi kě tuì.
Among the worthy and the base, the wise and the foolish, the brave and the cowardly, the benevolent and the righteous, differences exist. Therefore, one may open or close; one may advance or withdraw.
This passage articulates an essential tenet of this rhetorical tradition: there is no universal discourse. Efficacy depends on deciphering the specific psychological traits of the interlocutor and tailoring the rhetorical intervention accordingly.
Elsewhere, the text identifies speech as the portal through which thought passes:
口者,心之门户也;心者,神之主也。
Kǒu zhě, xīn zhī ménhù yě; xīn zhě, shén zhī zhǔ yě.
The mouth is the gateway of the heart-mind; the heart-mind is the master of the spirit.
Speech allows one to penetrate what lies concealed within another person, serving simultaneously as an instrument to influence their deliberations. The persuader must listen, observe, and test the interlocutor's reactions, identifying latent desires and covert fears. In this sense, opening and closing signifies alternating between eliciting disclosure and maintaining strategic reserve to glean intelligence and gently bend the will of another.
The《鬼谷子》Guǐgǔzǐ thus presents an incisive theory of political communication. Persuasion does not solely consist of constructing sound logical syllogisms; it requires diagnosing the psychological condition of the recipient. The consummate orator is rarely the one who speaks the most, but the one who knows when to speak and precisely what effect each word will yield.
纵横捭阖 zònghéng bǎihé: The Synthesis of Outer Strategy and Inner Art
These two character pairs elucidate the full breadth of the 成语 chéngyǔ 纵横捭阖 zònghéng bǎihé:
纵横 zònghéng refers to the exterior space of politics: the territorial alignment of realms, the shifting coalitions, and the rivalries that balance power. 捭阖 bǎihé, conversely, refers to the interior domain of human judgment: the observation of individuals, the psychological mapping of their inclinations, and the calculated deployment of speech and silence.
Both dimensions are inseparable. A strategist must comprehend the broad geopolitical topography, yet must equally know how to intervene in the individual wills that drive historical events. An alliance cannot be sustained purely through abstract treaties; it requires convincing concrete monarchs, each swayed by private self-interest and acute vulnerabilities. Conversely, brilliant oratorical flair remains sterile if detached from the geopolitical forces at play.
The Confucian tradition viewed these practices with deep skepticism. Mencius castigated itinerant persuaders who accommodated the whims of rulers instead of elevating them through moral principles. Referring to figures such as 张仪 Zhāng Yí and 公孙衍 Gōngsūn Yǎn, he questioned whether manipulating sovereigns could ever constitute genuine moral greatness. In Mencian ethics, political expediency and moral righteousness remained fundamentally irreconcilable.
This ethical divergence highlights the distinctive nature of the school of diplomatic strategists. Their primary concern was not the formulation of an ideal moral order, but an operational grasp of how political power is exercised in practice. In a landscape of unrelenting interstate conflict, where state survival depended on immediate and consequential decisions, persuasion became an indispensable instrument of statecraft.
The history of the Warring States contains a final structural irony. The vertical and horizontal strategies prolonged the balance of power among the regional kingdoms, yet they ultimately failed to prevent the rise of 秦 Qín. The systematic fragmentation of the eastern alliances paved the way for 秦 Qín's piecemeal conquest of its rivals. In 221 BCE, having subjugated the last of the independent states, 秦始皇 Qín Shǐhuáng proclaimed imperial unification. With the disappearance of that fragmented political chessboard, the social conditions that had sustained the itinerant persuaders ceased to exist.
Nonetheless, their operational insight was permanently encoded in classical literature and language. The idiom 纵横捭阖 zònghéng bǎihé ultimately crystallized a vision of political action that seamlessly integrates territorial statecraft with the profound understanding of human nature.
In contemporary Chinese, this 成语 chéngyǔ denotes the capacity to maneuver with consummate skill across complex situations, shifting strategies, negotiating, persuading, and seizing situational advantages. It can carry an admiring tone when highlighting tactical dexterity, yet it can equally convey critical nuance when suggesting opportunism or political calculation. Its conceptual richness resides precisely in this tension. Politics is framed as a strategic board where positions constantly shift, but also as an arena of human wills that can be deciphered, influenced, and steered. The four characters thus encapsulate two complementary arts: knowing how to navigate the forces that organize the world, and knowing how to act upon the minds of those who govern it.
Gentz, J. (2014). Rhetoric as the art of listening: Concepts of persuasion in the first eleven chapters of the Guiguzi. Asiatische Studien – Études Asiatiques, 68(4), 1001–1019.
Wu, H., & Swearingen, C. J. (2016). Guiguzi: China's first treatise on rhetoric: A critical translation and commentary. Southern Illinois University Press.
Waring, L. (2021). Mawangdui manuscripts. The Encyclopedia of Ancient History: Asia and Africa. Wiley.

This article was originally published in Spanish: El tablero de los reinos combatientes. La geometría del poder

Díaz, M. E. & Torres, L. N. (November 7, 2026). The Chessboard of the Warring States: The Geometry of Power. China from the South. https://chinafromthesouth.blogspot.com/2026/11/the-chessboard-of-warring-states.html
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